سیاسی و روابط بین الملل::
This was often advanced by a more 'liberal' coalition of certain member states (led by Britain but often including Germany and other 'North- ern' member states) and parts of the European Commission (especially Directorate General [DG] Competition, then called DGIV).
This approach received support from more statist or 'Southern' member states, usually led by France, many of their 'national-champion' firms, and parts of the European Commission (often sectoral-industry DGs, DG for industry, and DG for regional policy).
They have become increas- ingly accepted by many key policy actors: the European Commission and, within it, many DGs, from competition to sectoral DGs; the ECJ; national governments that differ not only in terms of model of capi- talism but also politically between left and right; and firms, especially transnational ones.
However, they also aid the formation of a heterogeneous coalition of the European Com- mission (and especially certain DGs within it), national governments, and large firms, all of which have differing interests and aims.
However, it suffers from major constraints: it is internally divided, both at the level of Commissioners (who are nominated by national governments) and organizationally among different DGs; it faces powerful member states that have diverse policy preferences; it is unelected and lacks wider popular legitimacy; and, contrary to popu- lar myth, it remains a remarkably small organization, relative to both national governments and the tasks of regulating complex markets.
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