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And with a particular messianic zeal, Russian intellectuals defined the salvation of Europe's own true ideals as Russia's historic mission.9 Indeed, while postulating major differences between 'the culture [prosveshchenie] of Europe' and that of Russia, the early Slavophile Ivan Kireevsky made it clear that he meant 'the culture of the West' or western Europe, noting at the same time that it was 'impossible to imagine the development of intellectual life in Russia without its relationship with Europe and the intellectual development of Europe without its relationship with Russia'.10 While castigating western Europe for forgetting Christ, Dostoevsky spoke at the same time about Russia's destiny as 'incontestably all-European' and argued that the Russians had two fatherlands - 'our Rus and Europe'.11 The proponent of Official Nationality, Shevyrev, coined in 1841 the term 'rotten West' (gniloi zapad), whose common translation into English as 'rotten Europe' is mis- leading.12 In turn, in 1880 the liberal historian Kavelin criticised those Westernisers of the 1840s who had tended to reduce Europe to its western core.13 In sum, the full equation of Europe with the West and the consequent exclusion of Russia from Europe, as was the case with Chaadaev and to some extent Danilevsky, were exceptions rather than the norm in Russian thought of the imperial period.
From the 1820s onwards, in the aftermath of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars and under the impact of the German Romantic tradition, the issues of nationalism (how to define Russia as a nation culturally and politically) began to dominate the debate about Europe.
In their reaction to 'the West', Russian thinkers articulated, to utilise Benedict Anderson's term, a specific 'modular model' of nationalism.87 This was a form of 'reactive nationalism' developed in reaction to and in comparison with western societies.
In his influential critique of Anderson's argument that Europe 'supplied for all subsequent nationalisms a set of modular forms from which nationalist elites in Asia and Africa had chosen the ones they liked', Partha Chatterjee claimed the originality of non-European forms of nationalism on the grounds of their separation of the material domain (scientific and technological progress and effectiveness of political institutions) and the spiritual domain (culture and historical heritage).
In addition to occupying the chair in Russian history at Moscow University, Pogodin also published a journal, The Muscovite, which he used as a platform for his conservative nationalism.،And with a particular messianic zeal, Russian intellectuals defined the salvation of Europe's own true ideals as Russia's historic mission.9 Indeed, while postulating major differences between 'the culture [prosveshchenie] of Europe' and that of Russia, the early Slavophile Ivan Kireevsky made it clear that he meant 'the culture of the West' or western Europe, noting at the same time that it was 'impossible to imagine the development of intellectual life in Russia without its relationship with Europe and the intellectual development of Europe without its relationship with Russia'.10 While castigating western Europe for forgetting Christ, Dostoevsky spoke at the same time about Russia's destiny as 'incontestably all-European' and argued that the Russians had two fatherlands - 'our Rus and Europe'.11 The proponent of Official Nationality, Shevyrev, coined in 1841 the term 'rotten West' (gniloi zapad), whose common translation into English as 'rotten Europe' is mis- leading.12 In turn, in 1880 the liberal historian Kavelin criticised those Westernisers of the 1840s who had tended to reduce Europe to its western core.13 In sum, the full equation of Europe with the West and the consequent exclusion of Russia from Europe, as was the case with Chaadaev and to some extent Danilevsky, were exceptions rather than the norm in Russian thought of the imperial period.
From the 1820s onwards, in the aftermath of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars and under the impact of the German Romantic tradition, the issues of nationalism (how to define Russia as a nation culturally and politically) began to dominate the debate about Europe.
In their reaction to 'the West', Russian thinkers articulated, to utilise Benedict Anderson's term, a specific 'modular model' of nationalism.87 This was a form of 'reactive nationalism' developed in reaction to and in comparison with western societies.
In his influential critique of Anderson's argument that Europe 'supplied for all subsequent nationalisms a set of modular forms from which nationalist elites in Asia and Africa had chosen the ones they liked', Partha Chatterjee claimed the originality of non-European forms of nationalism on the grounds of their separation of the material domain (scientific and technological progress and effectiveness of political institutions) and the spiritual domain (culture and historical heritage).
In addition to occupying the chair in Russian history at Moscow University, Pogodin also published a journal, The Muscovite, which he used as a platform for his conservative nationalism.
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