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عمومی::
كسیكهدارایاحساسات بین، هواخواهرعایتمصالحهمهملل
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سیاسی و روابط بین الملل::
فراملیگرا
Fundamentally, the 2017 NSS attempts to combine two incompatible world-views into a single doctrine: the president's ''America First'' nationalism and the seventy-year-old internationalist consensus in US foreign policy.
The dissonance evident in the NSS portends an impossible working relationship between the Trumpian nationalists and the internationalist establishment.
Certainly, principled realism is not an innovation of the Trump administration.18 Moreover, as a statement of principle, the NSS does not sound appreciably different from the broad tent occupied by liberal and conservative internationalists.
It is another symptom of the dissonance between Trump's foreign policy nationalism and the internationalist legacy in US foreign policy.
The ''new realists'' 14 in President Bush's foreign policy team, seeking to distance themselves from what they considered an overly internationalist Clinton agenda, argued for the building of a National Missile Defense system to protect US territory from nuclear attack and for a more narrow focus on America's vital interests.15 Samuel Huntington, an influential voice in Republican foreign policy circles, argued that a ''robust nationalism'' could unify the disparate streams of conservatism in the United States and fuel the creation of truly conservative foreign policy.16 The national interest voice was prominent in the post-mortem discussions on Kosovo, among those who argued for a return to the principles of self-help and rejected claims for a new right to humanitarian intervention.17 And, it was clearly evident in the declining enthusiasm in the United States for international governance and institutions- whether based on shared values (such as universal jurisdiction and the Inter-national Criminal Court) or the need to manage international public goods (such as the Kyoto protocol).
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